Post modernism and its related issues are deeply sown in CONTEMPORARY western literature and thereby prevalent in the works of several writers. One of these domains could be the "Surrealist Movement", at the beginning of the twentieth century in France. In this paper, without referring to details of this school, we have assigned a research to common aspects of vision in this kind of literature and issues we witness in CONTEMPORARY THOUGHT. Although many papers have been written in western countries on the "Surrealist Movement", none the less considering the new appearance of some qualities in recent years and mutation of human sciences, it will be necessary to find links between the surrealist world and the current situation, and to compare some messages of this movement on recent achievements of literature and philosophy. Therefore, this paper attempts to point out these similarities in three sections.

In most of the researches of Shia political THOUGHT in the CONTEMPORARY period, there has been talk about changes in form and format in the way of dealing with the matter of politics. The revolutionary movement of the Iranian people led by the clergy, and then the formation of the Islamic government based on Islamic teachings and goals, created a turning point in Shia political THOUGHT in terms of the type and nature of opinion and action. If we analyze the interaction of scholars with the Safavid and Qajar governments in the framework of classical Shia political THOUGHT, the type of their encounter with revolutionary movements and the government of the Islamic Republic can be categorized in the framework of CONTEMPORARY Shia THOUGHT. This duality can be seen both in the form of confrontation with the governments and in the basic concepts. In this article, with a brief reference to the formal developments of Shia political THOUGHT from the Safavid period to the Islamic Republic, it describes the implications that distinguish CONTEMPORARY Shia political THOUGHT from its past period. These implications include changes in the concept of politics, expectations from religion, the duties of scholars, the necessity of forming a religious government, turning government into an obligatory prelude, changes in the perception of interference in politics, and changes in political literature.

Abstract:This text explains the relationship between the spectrum of Communitarianism and political THOUGHT in CONTEMPORARY Iran. Communitarianism, as one of the critical approaches of the last century to liberal political culture, focuses on reforming the instrumental and atomistic view of society and mainly emphasizes the keyword of community with specific characteristics. On the other hand, the CONTEMPORARY Iranian Shiite Muslim political thinker's view, emphasizing the category of nature, presents a similar understanding to the Communitarianist in defining concepts such as goodness and community, but has fundamental points of difference regarding the origin of man and the definition of the nature of happiness. In addition to the secondary results, the main claim of this article is that despite the alignment of criticisms of the culture of the modern world and the dominant liberalism in the West, even the idea of ​​Communitarianism, due to its birth from within the modern world and its unnatural view of the criticized issues, will not be able to provide solutions and overcome the problems facing the modern world.

Aristotelian logic, as a part of Islamic philosophy, from the very beginning has been attacked by some opponents amongst Muslims. So, some of Muslim philosophers have tried to defend it against the criticisms raised by these opponents and strengthen its validity. Beside the old criticisms, recently some Shiite scholars under the name of Maktebe Tafkik, (The Separation School) have raised new criticisms against Aristotelian logic, claiming that this system of logic has been refuted and abandoned in the Academic circles of the West and has been replaced by the scientific method introduced by Francis Bacon. Therefore, based on some faulty arguments, they call for letting Aristotelian logic aside. This article tries to evaluate these claims and show its falsehood.

This research article examines legal discrimination against children born out of wedlock in Iran. Despite laws promoting equality, societal attitudes influenced by beliefs continue to result in discrimination. The study explores the reconciliation of religious beliefs with legal frameworks and the changes made to the Iranian legal system in response to positive human rights developments. The Article seeks to bridge the research gaps by comparing the experiences of Iranian children with those in other countries affected by Islamic law. The study employs library sources and descriptive and historical research methods to examine the legal status of children born outside of marriage, both nationally and internationally, and the discrimination they face. The Article is structured into four distinct sections: an analysis of Islamic Law, a review of the Iranian legal system, an assessment of Iran's compliance with international conventions, and a discourse on the necessity of substantial positive change. The Article ultimately recommends the eradication of discrimination through heightened awareness and the advancement of inclusivity for all children, irrespective of their lineage. In summary, this research Article aims to shed light on legal challenges faced by children born outside of marriage in Iran, with the goal of promoting positive changes in their treatment.

Almost all Iranian CONTEMPORARY intellectuals have seen religion the same as European intellectuals of Enlightenment tradition to be cause of underdevelopment. In Iranian CONTEMPORARY history we can see evidences of the same trend: secularism during Constitutional Revolution; Reza Shah’ s Bonapartism; leftism and liberalism during Mohammad Reza Shah; and even independence-oriented of Mossadiqi nationalism. But, studying Iranian modern history as it has been parallel to European modern one shows that the religion has come to be with state upon raison d’ é tat. Having neglicted the necessity of being state with religion, although proceeding in theorizing and initializing the spread of liberty, rule of law, democracy, . . . in CONTEMPORARY Iran, it has not gone further in theorizing the relation of state and religion so as to institute much more powerful and legitimate state. The current paper goes on to believe that the very important factor in strengthen of national power is formulating this relation. As it may come into mind why this formulating has been neglicted in Iranshahr THOUGHT as a very important question, the paper concludes and finds “ historical unconsciousness” to the formulation as the best answer.

In this paper, I try to discuss about one of the important issues which have been discussed in the dialogue between Iranian CONTEMPORARY philosophical THOUGHT and the philosophy of Kant. Many of Kant’s Iranian critics criticized innativism according to a special version of it. This special version, has been arisen for the first time in the essential encounter of Iranian CONTEMPORARY islamic philosophy with the philosophy of Kant in Allāmeh Tabatabayi’s “Osule” Falsafeh va Raveshe Realism [= the principles of philosophy and the method of realism”. This version is still alive in Iran and forms the foundation of the criticism of Kant’s epistemology. According to this, in this paper, I will discuss, first, about the prevalence of believing in Kantian innativism among the Iranian scholars. Then, I will discuss about one of the current versions of Kantian innativism in the Iranian CONTEMPORARY philosophical THOUGHT and will consider its elements. This version of Kantian innativism can be found in Mortaza Motahhari’s works. Finally, I will state Kant’s own view of innativism in order to clarify the similarities and differences of his view and his critics’ view of innativism.

There are three approaches on the women political participation in CONTEMPORARY Shi'i THOUGHT: agreement, disagreement and narrow agreement. Because these approaches are based on common texts and documents, the author believes that they have social determination; that is the social changes make it possible to deduce new THOUGHTs. Belief in the idea of social determination, of course, does not require absolute negation of the out-of-mind reality, but it explains the causality, quality and characteristics of different understanding from one single text.

The history of political THOUGHT in Iran has been so far put on paper chiefly in view of the relationship between tradition and modernity. Without exaggeration, it can be claimed that the method of recording political THOUGHT has itself turned into a dominant and hegemonic discourse, making it hard for other discourses to emerge. Adopting an analytical-descriptive methodology, this paper tries to shed a new light on Iran’s discourses of THOUGHT through investigating the relationship between ethics and politics: political Islam or Islamist discourse, liberalist discourse and Marxist discourse.Theoretically speaking, there are three forms of relationships between ethics and politics: maximum metaphysics, minimum metaphysics, and no relationship between ethics and politics. Findings of the paper indicate that in view of the relationship between ethics and politics, the Islamist discourse is of maximum metaphysics, hence seeking maximum ethical interference in politics. To that end, Iranian liberalist discourse is of minimum metaphysics favoring least ethical intervention in any aspect of human life. Given certain theoretical foundations constituting its pillars, the Iranian Marxist discourse believes in separation of ethics from politics.

This paper, using a structruralist approach, together with an analytic-descriptive study of the various materials concerning "Islamic Unity", attempts to emphasize on four schemata for approaching the Islamic Unity, among the Imami Shi'i Ulama, i.e. the plan of Nadir Shah; the Unity of Islam (Ittihadiy-i Islam); the approach with regards to comparative Islamic Jurisprudence (al-Fiqh al-Muqaran); and the approach with regards to common documents and literatures. The paper, moreover, tries to show that these four approaches have to be seen in conjunction with each another, as an integrated system, in such a way that the theoretical aspect has to be grounded on common principles and the practical aspects have to be accepted by political and social reformers.